Plusieurs études récentes, conduites dans différentes agglomérations de France et fondées sur l’analyse de différents types de matériaux empiriques, ont mis en évidence l’existence de variantes palatalisées et affriquées des consonnes occlusives dentales (t et d) et vélaires (k et g) en français parlé hexagonal. Les croisements de plusieurs de ces travaux ont permis de mettre au jour la distribution sociale, la diffusion géographique, et également de poser les bases d’une étude du fonctionnement stylistique des variantes non standard. Une autre recherche (Vernet & Trimaille 2007) s’est intéressée à la perception et à la catégorisation sociale des variantes affriquées. Le premier objectif de notre article sera de présenter une synthèse de ces différents travaux. Cependant, les recherches menées jusqu’à ce jour ont essentiellement étudié ce phénomène dans les productions de jeunes locuteurs urbains issus de catégories sociales globalement défavorisées. C’est pourquoi, afin de vérifier l’hypothèse – étayée par de nombreuses observations – selon laquelle la palatalisation/affrication est présente bien au-delà des réseaux sociaux de jeunes sujets issus des classes populaires et/ou de l’immigration, nous avons constitué un corpus de productions de locuteurs d’origines géographiques et de profils sociaux variés. A partir de l’analyse de ces données, le second objectif de ce travail sera donc de montrer que des locuteurs très différents produisent la même variante non standard pour des raisons sociolinguistiques différentes et de proposer des éléments de compréhension de la diffusion de cette variante. Cela nous amènera à nous demander dans quelle mesure ce phénomène est lié à une d’une part au contact de langues et de variétés et d’autre part à une dynamique de convergence supra-locale.
Recently, several surveys carried out in various urban contexts in France (La Courneuve, Fontenay-sous- Bois, Marseille), with different methodologies, have shown that a tendency to produce plosive dental (t, d) (and also velar (k, g)) consonants as palatalised can be observed in spoken hexagonal French (see, among others, Jamin, 2005; Jamin, Trimaille & Gasquet-Cyrus, 2006). These surveys have shed some light on the social, geographic and stylistic distribution of these affricated variants, revealing that the non standard variant has a supra local extension and is often a feature used by teenagers linked to street culture. Other research has tried to describe the perception and the social categorization associated to the palatalised variants, showing the apparent lack of identification and stigmatisation (Vernet & Trimaille, 2007). Thus, the primary aim of this paper is to summarize results of these studies. However, most of the studies afore-mentioned have essentially observed palatalised pronunciations among working-class peer groups from immigration backgrounds. In order to test the hypothesis that palatalised variants are not only used within these working-class groups but also outside these groups in the mainstream, we collected a corpus based on the speech of speakers from various geographic and social origins (the corpus is also controlled for stylistic variation). Showing evidence of the presence of the non-standard variant amongst speakers from very different backgrounds, the second objective of our work is therefore to offer interpretations which could explain the use of the palatalised variants in such a wide range of speakers of contemporary French. In order to propose answers to that question, and also to discuss the spread of the non standard variant, we will finally try to link micro and macro levels, examining identity’s features of several informants.
«Variantes palatalisées et affriquées en français parlé hexagonal: quel statut sociolinguistique pour quel destin?» / Devilla, Lorenzo; Trimaille, C.. - IV:(2010), pp. 99-107. (Intervento presentato al convegno Congrès de la Société de Linguistique Romane (XXV CILPR) tenutosi a Innsbruck nel 3-8 settembre 2007).
«Variantes palatalisées et affriquées en français parlé hexagonal: quel statut sociolinguistique pour quel destin?»
DEVILLA, Lorenzo;
2010-01-01
Abstract
Recently, several surveys carried out in various urban contexts in France (La Courneuve, Fontenay-sous- Bois, Marseille), with different methodologies, have shown that a tendency to produce plosive dental (t, d) (and also velar (k, g)) consonants as palatalised can be observed in spoken hexagonal French (see, among others, Jamin, 2005; Jamin, Trimaille & Gasquet-Cyrus, 2006). These surveys have shed some light on the social, geographic and stylistic distribution of these affricated variants, revealing that the non standard variant has a supra local extension and is often a feature used by teenagers linked to street culture. Other research has tried to describe the perception and the social categorization associated to the palatalised variants, showing the apparent lack of identification and stigmatisation (Vernet & Trimaille, 2007). Thus, the primary aim of this paper is to summarize results of these studies. However, most of the studies afore-mentioned have essentially observed palatalised pronunciations among working-class peer groups from immigration backgrounds. In order to test the hypothesis that palatalised variants are not only used within these working-class groups but also outside these groups in the mainstream, we collected a corpus based on the speech of speakers from various geographic and social origins (the corpus is also controlled for stylistic variation). Showing evidence of the presence of the non-standard variant amongst speakers from very different backgrounds, the second objective of our work is therefore to offer interpretations which could explain the use of the palatalised variants in such a wide range of speakers of contemporary French. In order to propose answers to that question, and also to discuss the spread of the non standard variant, we will finally try to link micro and macro levels, examining identity’s features of several informants.I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.